Filibuster Fandango Part Deux
During the past two weeks, a group of bipartisan moderate Senators worked to find a compromise to a looming showdown about the filibuster -- but more truly, in essence, it was about what and whose work it is the Senate will be addressing for the remainder of this term. As the two opposite sides argued bitterly about what judicial nominees deserved, this group of 14 Senators met and tried to hammer out their own version of a roadmap to peace. At times the rancor seemed to overcome any hope of the group suceeding, notably with Pennsylvania's Rick Santorum unveiling the age old Hitlerian comparison for his Democratic colleagues' ideas. Santorum said that their insistence on blocking the up or down vote was akin to 1942 Hitler Germany -- a comment he later said he "regretted." "'I'm in Paris. How dare you invade me. How dare you bomb my city. It's mine...'"
Let's face it, folks, the minute Hitler comes up in a conversation, it's a sign the speaker has little further of merit to offer. (For an excellent commentary on this particular faux pas, see this blogger's observations on the Hitler problem with both wings of this Senate by clicking here.)
And so the efforts to stop a nuclear option showdown continued through the weekend and into Monday before the gang of 14 emerged very late in the evening, proudly showing they had come to an agreement and consensus in good faith and mutual trust. It really was a hopeful moment for Americans who would like to see some real work done in the Senate, who remember there's much at stake besides partisan votes on Presidential nominees to the bench and Supreme Court this year.
What became curious at that particular moment was who chose to react, and how loudly.
The compromise forged by 14 Democratic and Republican senators represented
a rare, if temporary, rebuff to religious and social conservatives. Their
condemnations, whether from James Dobson's Focus on the Family, radio talk-show
host Rush Limbaugh or conservative bloggers, were quick and strong. Dobson
labeled it a "complete bailout and betrayal," and Jan LaRue, chief counsel of
Concerned Women for America, branded the GOP negotiators "seven dwarves" who had given Democrats the right to filibuster a Supreme Court nominee. ...
As Republicans squabbled loudly, Democrats, led by Reid, tried to put up a
united front in support of the agreement. But with three of Bush's long-delayed
nominees ticketed for approval under the compromise, cracks began to show within
the Democratic ranks as well.
The Congressional Black Caucus blasted the agreement as "more of a
capitulation than a compromise" for allowing those votes. Sen. Russell Feingold
(D-Wis.) said it would encourage the White House "to send more nominees who lack
the judicial temperament or record to serve in these lifetime
positions."
Some Democrats privately fretted that others in their party had been too
quick to claim victory, and even the party chairman, Howard Dean, questioned
whether the compromise is good for Democrats. "We don't know if this is a
victory in the long run or not," he said on CNN's "Inside Politics." -- Dan
Balz reporting for the Washington Post
The rancor seemed to be too entrenched to assuage for some on both sides, and sure enough, on Thursday, Democrats stalled the vote on UN Nominee John Bolton, demanding to see more records from the White House before voting, a request denied by the White House on Friday.
The big elephant under the table remains a Supreme Court Nominee. With Chief Justice Rehnquist ailing from thyroid cancer and Justice John Paul Stevens also aging, it has been the longest tenure streak on the Court in over a decade. Observers note the political savvy of Rehnquist, and many feel the Justices are watching the current environment with great interest as far as timing a retirement announcement.
This writer still maintains that the friction of two parties of differing persuasions can lead to more flexible and positive results -- when it's used to beneficial purpose. When it swings to two extremes blocking any work from any side, it has morphed into something that does not serve the institutions, or us as the people who make the decisions who to send to represent us. The Kata would remind those who are focused more on the nominee situation than on the rest of the agenda of Congress that this ideological positioning and posturing represent but a very small portion of the People's Business.

